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Dear [Ahmed] Faraz, July 27, 2008

Posted by Malik Siraj Akbar in Malik Siraj Akbar.
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Way back in 1964, we met in Peshawar in the office of Yousuf Lodhi (the great political cartoonist Vaiell). That night we talked about politics, literature and made small jokes about contemporary writers. That was the start of our friendship; you and my husband Yousuf Kamran became even more friendly as both of you were very glamorous. I know the way girls used to write letters, as the phone was not a common communicating system back then. Read More

http://dawn.com/weekly/books/books1.htm

Defending the Media – By Najam Sethi July 25, 2008

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Najam Sethi

Najam Sethi

Before you start reading the below given editorial of The Friday Times, I think the best thing for the Pakistani media to express solidarity with Daily Aaj Kal would be to reproduce the controversial cartoon in all the Pakistani newspapers on the Danish model. We have to take such bold initiatives if we are determined to fight religious fanaticism.

Defending the Media
By Najam Sethi

First it was The Friday Times. Then it was Daily Times. Now it is Daily Aajkal. All three papers are at the receiving end of credible threats from radical religious extremists to change their editorial policies which espouse liberal, democratic, progressive and humanist values. The Taliban have forcibly stopped the sale of Daily Aajkal in FATA and hurled menacing warnings at the paper in Peshawar. The latest threats and incitement to violence come from the mullahs of the Lal Masjid and their network in Islamabad and Punjab.

The pretext is a cartoon in Aajkal of Umme Hassaan, the fiery wife of Maulana Abdul Aziz of the Lal Masjid. It shows her teaching the virtues of jihad and kidnapping to her students, a reference to her statements on the need to wage violent jihad and the kidnapping of five Chinese carried out by her Lal Masjid activists last year. Mrs Hassaan claims the cartoon is blasphemous like the Danish cartoons. But by so insisting, she is putting herself on the same pedestal as the Prophet of Islam (pbuh), which is truly blasphemous. Actually, she cannot stand the thought of being the object of satirical comment even though her brand of radical politics is much more objectionable than that of most double-dealing politicians who are daily lampooned by the media. The only difference is that while politicians take cartoons in their stride, as they should according to the rules of the democratic game, the self-righteous radical clerics are prone to use violent means to stifle dissent or adverse comment. This is what they did in Algeria and in Egypt where hundreds of journalists were assassinated in the 1990s because they dared to oppose their brand of extremist politics.

In the world of today where information is delivered on the second into every house via cable or satellite, everyone needs to be on the right side of the media. Two issues constantly arise – the extent of media freedom and its relationship with media responsibility. There are no hard and fast rules except one: media freedom ends only where someone else’s freedom is violated. This media “freedom” is defined by well known laws like the law of defamation and the law of contempt, and an independent judiciary is the final arbiter of who is right and who is wrong. But violence cannot be allowed to stifle debate or dissent.

In recent times, two major repressions stand out in particular. Nawaz Sharif lashed out at the Jang Group and The Friday Times in 1999. And General Pervez Musharraf pulled the plug on a number of TV channels in 2007, wounding the Geo/Jang group the most. But both strategies were doomed to fail as Mr Sharif and General Musharraf can testify.

Significantly, non-state actors armed with weapons and/or passionate ideologues are increasingly “using” the Pakistani media or “exploiting” it for the propagation of their ideas and interests. But serious problems arise when any section of the media doesn’t agree with their policies or seeks to expose their narrow interests or anti-state positions. In democratic societies, the law takes its course for the resolution of such disputes or differences of opinion. But in non-democratic societal cultures, like that of Pakistan, such non-state actors are often inclined to use threat of violence or actual violence to silence media critics or affect editorial policy changes to suit their goals.

The classic example that used to be given in Pakistan about non-state actors using violent means and direct threats to bring the media in line was that of the MQM in Karachi. The MQM is a cadre based ethnic party that has a criminal and fascist record even though it is avowedly secular. But the media has managed to survive despite its violent threats and practices. However, the latest menace to the media emanates from radical extremist fundamentalist religious belief that goes under the name of “political Islamism”. It is self-righteous, self-obsessed and intolerant. Various armed groups professing jihad and Talibanism are now trying to capture the imagination of the free media and mould it according to their view and version of world events. They are doing this largely by invoking fear and retribution. How should the media react to this latest threat to its integrity?

The primary responsibility of protecting the media lies with the armed state. But where the state abdicates such responsibility, either because it has a dubious relationship with such non-state religious groups or because it cannot defend and enforce its writ against them because of internal weaknesses, both of which are relevant in the case of the Pakistani state, the media has no choice but to band together and close ranks despite internal strains and stresses of personalities, egos and commercial interests. Indeed, when some of us are attacked thus, it is time not only to boycott the propagandistic activities of such non-state actors but to openly criticize them at every opportunity. When journalists can routinely threaten to boycott politicians and proceedings in parliament, and agitate against government for not accepting their demands, why can’t they unite and react similarly when these religious vigilantes threaten any of us?

Comments on this blog July 20, 2008

Posted by Malik Siraj Akbar in Malik Siraj Akbar.
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Recently, I received a few comments which were very offensive of some ethnic groups. Therefore, I had to completely delete them.
I would request you all to kindly comment on the blog with some decency.
In the wake of these posts, I have now decided to moderate all comments that are posted on my blog before posting them on the blog.

The BUITMS deadlock July 19, 2008

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By Malik Siraj Akbar

The deadlock at the Balochistan University of Information Technology and Management Sciences (BUITMS) continued on Friday as Balochistan Governor and University Chancellor Nawab Zulfiqar Ali Magsi refused to concede to the students’ demand of replacing open merit with a district-based quota system. Hundreds of students from the BUITMS boycotted their classes and took out a protest rally from the Quetta Press Club, which culminated in a sit-in in front of Governor’s House. The students shouted slogans against the governor and the open merit policy at the university, arguing that the current admission policy favoured the non-Baloch ethnic communities.

They criticised the vice chancellor of the BUITMS and added that if the doors of the BUITMS were closed for the Baloch students they would not allow the non-Baloch to study there either.

Representatives of the governor asked the protesters to send four of their representatives inside Governor’s House for talks, but the students demanded the governor to come out of his residence and make his stance clear in front of everyone. Magsi gave in to the demands and rally organiser Qambar Baloch informed him that the students had been struggling to get the admission policy changed for past many months.

When their demands were rejected, the students announced an unto death hunger strike in front of the Quetta Press Club. Magsi said he had already formed a committee consisting of all political parties, which would meet in the next 15-20 days to discuss the matter.

Balochistan students protest against admission policy July 18, 2008

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By Malik Siraj Akbar

QUETTA: Three students from the Balochistan University of Information Technology and Management Sciences (BUITMS), whose condition worsened on Wednesday due to a prolonged hunger strike demanding district-based merit at their university, were brought to the Balochistan Governor’s House in stretcher.

Hundreds of Baloch students, who held placards and banners in their hands, staged a sit-in in front of Governor’s House and chanted slogans against Governor Nawab Zulfiqar Ali Magsi, who is also the chancellor of the IT University. They also blocked the main road that leads to Governor’s House. Despite a delegation of senior BUITMS teachers and administration staff urging the students to abandon their hunger strike, the students have refused to end their strike.

Around 400 Baloch students from BUITMS are on strike against the current admission policy. All Baloch nationalist political parties, including the Balochistan National Party-Mengal, the National Party, the Balochistan National Party-Awami, the Baloch Republican Party (BRP) and the Baloch Students’ Organisation (BSO)-Azad are overtly backing the demands of the Baloch students.

The students, led by Qambar Baloch and joined by pupils from other educational institutions, are demanding that the admission policy at BUITMS should be reviewed and the merit system be devolved at district level. Currently, 70 percent merit-based seats are fixed for the entire province, but the Baloch students argue that the largest beneficiaries of such a system are the non-Baloch students living in the urban parts of the province. They are demanding that admissions should be granted on a district-based merit system.

Jan Muhammad Buledai, a central leader of the National Party, told this writer that the current movement of the students was not against the merit system, nor did it target a fixation of quota for each district. Instead, he said, they wanted tests and interviews to be conducted at the district level so that students from all districts could gain admission. “The students who have staged a hunger strike do not have personal interests because they have already secured their seats at the university. They are only struggling for the future of future generations,” he said, adding that the Baloch political parties wholeheartedly support the struggle.

Meanwhile, the BSO announced a boycott of all educational institutions today (Thursday) to press the government to meet its demands. Shahzab Baloch, a BSO leader, said that the BUITMS had been established to provide better education to the Baloch, adding that if they were denied entry into the varsity, they would block the door of these institutions for non-Baloch as well.

As the strike gains momentum, it appears likely that the government may give into the protesters’ demands, as university exams are scheduled for next week.

BUITMS students for change in admission policy July 13, 2008

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By Malik Siraj Akbar

Jeopardizing their future, two Baloch students from the Balochistan University of Information Technology and Management Sciences (BUITMS) sat on an unto death hunger strike in front of Quetta Press Club on Saturday to protest the admission policy at their university. While the final year examinations are scheduled to kick of after two weeks [on July 21st], the Baloch students, who claim to enjoy the support of around 400 university fellows, are also boycotting their classes besides sitting in a hunger strike camp.

Qambar Baloch, who is heading the hunger strike camp, told this writer that the purpose of the camp was to protest the admission policy of the BUITMS which aggressively believed in ‘open merit’. The Baloch students, on their part, want the open merit to be devolved at the district level so that the representation of students from all districts of the country’s largest province is equally ensured.

The admission policy statement of the university states: “Balochistan University of Information Technology and Management Sciences is an equal opportunity institution and admission in all our programs is purely on merit without any distinction of race, religion, color or ethnic origin provided the learner meets the entry requirements in various programs. However, being a public sector University, it is created to serve particular needs of the Balochistan province by virtue of its location.”

Thus, the six-year old university provides seats on open merit to 70% students of Balochistan while 30% open merit is fixed for the whole country. Around 3000 male and female students are enrolled in the university which offers courses in five faculties – Information Communication Technology (ICT), Engineering, Management Sciences, Biotechnology and informatics, and Environmental Management

“Our objection is that this policy discriminates the Baloch from attaining higher education,” whined Qambar, who elucidated that only 9% students admitted to the Spring 2008 Program of the BUITMS were Baloch. “Though 70% open merit is fixed for the entire province, 62% of the seats were grabbed by the students from Quetta city only. In and around Quetta city, the majority of population is that of non-Baloch elite from other ethnic groups.”

Qambar argued that if 70% open merit system in the admission policy was not revoked, it would deprive the 70% of Baloch districts of higher education. “Children of the elite in Quetta, where the Baloch are in minority, have access to top grammar schools and private colleges. They will, understandably, beat the students from the far-flung Baloch districts. We are not opposed to the idea of open merit. What we want is that such tests and interviews to select students on merit-basis should be conducted at district level while keeping in view the ground realities of the province,” he suggested.

Khurshid Baloch, the other companion of Qambar for the unto death hunger strike, said the admission policy, based on open-merit, at the Bolan Medical College (BMC) and the Engineering University in Khuzdar, both technical colleges just like the BUITMS, had been devolved to the districts. Therefore, such admission policy had blocked to way for students from Quetta city to grab all the seats of these universities. “If these universities are meant for the people of Balochistan, then they should give equitable representation to all the districts of Balochistan. It is unfair to keep the other districts backward. The current admission policy of the BUITMS is favoring the non-Baloch people who have the advantage of better schools and tuition of Quetta.”

He noted that the number of recognized public universities by the Higher Education Commission (HEC) was 38 in Sindh province, 36 in the Punjab, 21 in North Western Frontier Province (NWFP) but the number of public universities in the large province of the country was only five. “Even if you look at the Sindh University, it has rural and urban quota fixed for the aspiring students. Why can’t the same be applied in Balochistan?” he questioned.

The Baloch Students Organization (BSO) and the Baloch Republican Party (BRP) are also supporting the Baloch students’ demand for the change in the university admission policy. Qambar says they would continue the strike camp until a copy of the demanded notification issued by the government is handed over to them which announces the district-based open merit system at the BUITMS.

A representative of the BSO, Abdul Qayyum Baloch, announced that his organization would fully support and cooperate with the students for their demands. According to him, the very basic objective of establishing an information technology university in Balochistan was to equip the Baloch youths with technical education in order to run the Gwadar Port.

“We don’t understand why institutions are established on our name but we are deliberately denied access to them. The largest beneficiaries of the BUITMS are the non-Baloch students coming from the Punjab, NWFP and the settlers of Balochistan,” he remarked.

Mr. Baloch, who is also the president of BSO Quetta zone, said the state of education in rural Balochistan was so deplorable that students cannot speak Urdu and use computers. As a matter of fact, the government should have firstly ensured better education at the school and college level. Now that a university has been established with hefty costs, there is no justification of the government allegations that the Baloch are incompetent, he added.

The students said they hoped that the new democratic government, which had promised to resolve the problems of Balochistan, on priority basis, would take the matter into consideration.

Ahmed Shah Durrani, the director of students’ affairs at the BUITMS, was not available for comments despite repeated requests by this writer. However, another official of the University, requesting anonymity, said the Baloch students were unjustified in their demands as they were painting the whole issue as an ethnic matter. “We don’t understand why the Pashtoon students have no problems with our admission policy. Even, competent Baloch students manage to secure their seat at the university on open merit,” he said.

Happy Birthday to Me July 10, 2008

Posted by Malik Siraj Akbar in Malik Siraj Akbar.
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They say a careless man’s wife is almost widow. The same applies for me. Even I was too lazy to write a few lines on my blog yesterday, the day when I turned 25. Yes, it was my birthday on July 9, 2008. Yet, it was some of my very caring friends and colleagues who made my day very beautiful with their best wishes, greeting cards, magnificent gifts and most importantly the unexpected overseas calls.

Dear all, those greetings and best wishes meant a lot to me. I know it would be too difficult for me to name all of you while expressing my gratitude to you but some names are worth mentioning.

Pallavi Basu: My cute Indian class fellow who ‘tried to call but the lines could not get connected.” Yet, Pallavi sent me an unexpectedly pleasant birthday SMS from New Delhi as soon as the clocks showed a change in the date. Pallavi, that meant a lot to me. Thanks a lot. Pallavi and I have so many interests in common. We are both crazy about politics but still can’t get much time to sit and discuss politics on a hot cup of coffee.

Talha Masood: This brother-like-friend-cum-bachpan-ka-dost of mine gave me the largest ever birthday card. Talha was so kind that he dropped the huge card at my office even a few days before the birthday because he was going to Karachi. Yet, he didn’t want to miss the occasion. For those of you, who don’t know Talha, let me mention that he has most comments on this blog to his credit.

Ruchi Sherma: Ruchi is a journalist friend working with reputed Indian news channel, CNN-IBN. An ACJ fellow, Ruchi didn’t know how much I was expecting a call from her. She rang me up from New Delhi and wished me a very happy birthday when I was working in my office on my birthday.

Jacob Cherian: The other day, I was telling my friend Bakhto [Bakhtawar] that the reason I love India is not that I am tried of Pakistan. But I love India because I made some of my best friends in that country. Regardless of the religion these friend of mine follow, something which counts a lot in Pakistan while forming relations, these fellows have a great place in my heart.
I love India due to friends like Jacob Cherian. Jay, as we call him, has been very kind to me since we started knowing each other at ACJ. I visited his home for a dinner on the eve of Christmas 2005. I met his family. They were really very forthcoming. The dinner was also attended by the ACJ chairman Sashi Kumar. That was two years back. J asked me not to tell anyone at ACJ that Mr. Kumar had also turned up for the dinner at his residence. I never disclosed that as long as I was in ACJ. Don’t know why I was asked to do so. Then, there was the other night I can’t ever forget: Jay didn’t sleep the whole night when I was coming to Pakistan after completing the ACJ course. He was there to drop me at the airport. He did.
“Hey Malik,” he said as I picked up the call at 1:45am this morning: “I know I am late. But I am not very late, am I? How many hours am I late?” I replied that it didn’t’ matter how late he was but his call was a reiteration of our friendship.

DvD: DvD stands for Divya Dugar. Who doesn’t know that, by the way? Though we have spoken on the phone many times, it was the first time I could not recognize her voice. One of the belated-wishers, Divya called me when Mazhar, my photographer, and I were going to Hazar Ganji in the outskirts of Quetta. She said she was badly pre-occupied with work the other day. Yet, this party girl had a lot to miss: “Malik, I wish “we” [perhaps she was referring to our other friend, Syna] were there for the birthday party.

Seema Kanwal: Seema works at my bureau as a staff reporter for our Urdu paper, Aaj Kal. Seema, that present was awesome. Simply the best of all.

Linette Marie C. Ramos:

Lineette, a journalist friend from the Philippines, was with us in Berlin, Germany last November. Joyce, also from the Philippines, and Linette were the stars of the one month long media training workshop on Election Reporting. She had to say this in her e-mail today:

“hey, i know i’m one day late… at least it’s only a day, you know. :-)

For me, it is not the birthday cake or birthday party which matters the most. I don’t know why but for me birthday greetings and wishes mean a lot . Each and every message touched my heart. I am among the people for whom friends mean a life.

Govt withdraws all perks to ‘renegade’ Bugti commanders July 7, 2008

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The government of Balochistan has announced a withdrawal of all perks and privileges – including the use of state vehicles and security – enjoyed by ‘renegade’ commanders formerly associated with late Nawab Akbar Bugti.

According to the sources, the announcement was made following a decision by these commanders to draw back support for the government, which they had extended in return for the government’s unconditional support for Nawabzada Brahmadagh Bugti, the guerrilla commander and grandson of late Nawab Bugti. While the commanders reviewed their support for the government in the wake of an unrelenting cycle of target killings of ‘traitor Balochs’ by separatist Baloch groups, the government, on its part, had to take the decision to coerce the former to continue their support for the government in the sensitive area of Dera Bugti.

The previous government had, during a military operation, used incentives to lure Nawab Bugti’s loyalists to ditch their tribal elder and instead support the government to ensure a smooth recapture of Dera Bugti by security forces. According to reliable sources, most of these commanders are now interested in joining Brahmadagh’s newly formed Baloch Republican Party (BRP). A source close to the BRP said however that Brahmadagh was not interested in rehabilitating these renegade commanders.

During Nawab Bugti’s life, the commanders were enjoying various facilities. They were given vehicles and free fuel, paid salaries from the PPL [Pakistan Petroleum Limited] and other gas companies. They still had the guts to desert the benevolent Nawab,” said the source. The lives of these commanders is believed to be at serious risk with the upsurge in resistance in Dera Bugti.

Afghanistan refugees V/s Baloch IDPs July 4, 2008

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By Malik Siraj Akbar


Taimur Shah
, 48, came to Quetta as a refugee soon after the Russian invasion of Afghanistan in 1979. A resident of central Afghan city of Ghazni and the father of ten children, Shah lives in Pashtoonabad in the outskirts of Quetta. He earns his living by operating an auto rickshaw.

Keen to return to his native city, Shah cites bad law and order situation in Afghanistan as the main reason for his reluctance to return to his home country. “I would prefer to live as a refugee in Pakistan than to return to my country that is in control of United States forces.” he said. However, Shah is confident that one day he would return to his country.

A United Nation High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) report said that 20.9 percent of total Afghan in Pakistan are living in Balochistan, adding that around 74,061 refugee families, comprising of 444,719 people live in various refugee campus and settlements of Balochistan. It said that three quarters of the total of Afghan refugees living in Pakistan are below 28 years of age and that most of them were born in Pakistan. The report said that 83.3 percent of the registered Afghan refugees were Pashtuns and that same percentage of them was believed to be earning Rs 4,000 per month.
It said that 84 percent of Afghan refugees were unwilling to return to Afghanistan, as 41 percent of them cited security reasons, 31 percent complained about lack of shelter and 24 percent grumbled over lack of livelihood back home.

1.56 million Afghan refugees repatriated to their country in 2002 when some normalcy returned to their country “A lot of Afghans returned to their home in 2002, as they were desperately waiting to return to their after a prolonged war,” A UNHCR official told this writer.

In 2003, 343.074 Afghans were repatriated to their country, which was followed by 383.598 in 2004, 449,520 in 2005 and 133.015 in 2006. in 2007, 204,941 Afghans, who did not possess a Proof of Registration (POR), a legal document given by the government of Pakistan, which enables the Afghan refugees to legally live in Pakistan until December 31, 2009 were repatriated. There were 159,535 Afghans who did possess POR but they agreed to return to Afghanistan.

Presently, ten refugee camps in Balochistan are providing shelter, basic education and health facilities to Afghan refugees. These camps are located in Posti, Jejay Karez, Chaghi, Malgagai, Katwai, Gahzgai Minara, Kar Karez, Surkhab, Saranan and Mohammad Kheil.

With the resurgence of Baloch nationalism, the Afghan refugees have come under criticism of Baloch leaders, who say that the government was deliberately delaying the repatriation of Afghan refugees in order to cause demographic changes in Balochistan. They hold the Afghans responsible for the law and order situation and the influx of drugs and weapons in the province.

National Party (NP) leader Dr Abdul Hayee Baloch told Daily Times that the Baloch people played host to the Afghan refugees during the rainy days, adding that now that Afghanistan had its own government and peace had returned to the country, there was no justification for the stay of Afghan refugees.

Dr Baloch said that anti- Baloch forces in Islamabad were exploiting Afghan refugees for their own interests. He said, “Baloch are a very secular people. But the state is trying to radicalize them by promoting religious militancy,” he added.

The nationalists also accuse international relief organizations that are assisting the refugees of working on the agenda of super powers.

Baloch National Front (BNF) leader Sadiq Raisani recommends that the donor organizations should also assist internally displaced people (IDPs) of the province. He questioned, “If the UNHCR can work for the welfare of IDPs in Sri Lanka, why can’t it launch similar relief operations in Balochistan?”

Dispelling the impression that international relief organizations were doing noting for the welfare of the Baloch IDPs, a UN official said that UN could not intervene to assist IDPs until the government of Pakistan made a formal request.

The Geneva-based Internal Displacement Monitoring centre (IDMC) quoted the UN sources as saying that 84,000 people in Balochistan were IDPs, who were driven out of their homes due to military operation carried out by the government in Marri and Bugti tribal areas.

Dr Abdul Manan, who recently led a team of eight doctors to Dera Murad Jamali to treat the IDPs despite government efforts to deny them access to them, told Daily Times that drastic measures were urgently needed to assist the IDPs. He said that the IDPs had to drink contaminated water. Dr Manan said that if international relief organization did not immediately reach out to the IDPs, a terrible humanitarian disaster might ensue.

Cash in return of BLA-related information July 3, 2008

Posted by Malik Siraj Akbar in Malik Siraj Akbar.
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By Malik Siraj Akbar

The government of Balochistan is absolutely clueless about the murderers of as many as 32 people, including 18 personnel of the Pakistan army, Frontier Corps (FC) and the police who have been target killed by the Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) in 21 violent incidents in the past four months.

In an unprecedented move, the Balochistan Home Department has placed an advertisement in the local newspapers seeking help from the civilians about any information they have about the suspects of target killing. The department has announced a reward of Rs. 21 million in return of any information about the killers. Having listed 21 violent incidents, the department has announced a reward of Rs. One million for information about a single attack.

The advertisement mentions 21 deadly incidents chronologically in which a thumping majority of the killed is that of police men, FC and army personnel. However, it is the first time that an official advertisement about wanted terrorists fails to give a single clue about the perpetrators of these attacks. Unlike the past, the advertisement does not contain the names, sketches or the suspected residence addresses of the wanted people.

Ironically, an underground Baloch separatist outfit, the Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA), which claims to be fighting for the independence of Balochistan province, has openly accepted its involvement in all these attacks. Besides justifying the attacks saying that majority of these forces are mainly staffed by non-Balochs, the BLA has also warned the fellow Baloch to refrain from serving in the government forces. In case of noncompliance with the warning the BLA has threatened to kill such Baloch people.

According to the government advertisement, a FC recruit, Mohammad Arif, was killed on January 5, 2008 on Spinny Road and two other FC men, Qaiser Jan and Azam Jan, were ‘badly injured’. On February 17, a civilian Mohammad Shahid Raisani was killed on Brewery Road. In another incident on February 23, an incident of target killing resulted in the murder of three policemen: Sub-inspector Abdul Latif, head-constables Bashir Ahmed and Mohammad Ayub. They died in a firing incident in Kili Ismail area.

As the list goes on, unknown men killed a policeman, Zulfiqar Ali, on Baqu Street near Girls College Quetta on March 19. On March 27 this year, a firing incident at Najeeb Khan Street in Liquat Bazaar killed a traffic policeman, Abdul Latif. On March 29, unknown men killed Jamil Shah, a head constable of Saddar police station, in a firing incident in Shahbaz Town.

Two FC men, Habib-ur-Rehman and Naveed Khan were killed by unknown armed men on April 1, 2008 on Sariab Road near Bhukhari Petroleum service. In addition, two more FC personnel, Amir Nawaz and Abdul Wali Shah received serious injuries in the same violent attack.

Two personnel of the Pakistan Army, Zafraan and Saeed Ahmed, were shot dead in April 2 this year near Omer Medical Store in Liquat Bazaar.

Eight days later, the armed men killed a civilian, Abbass Ahmed on April 10, 2008 on Mc Congy Road. On April 15, two policemen Sher Zaman and Saif-ur-Rehman were killed on Sabzal Road at Sasoli Chowk. Two days later on April 17, a man, Hussain Atif, was murdered in Railway Colony which was followed on 22 April by the murder of a Balochistan University professor. A Punjabi-speaker Dr. Safdar Kiyani, the pro-vice chancellor of the Balochistan University, was killed on April 22 in Green Town of Sariab Road. Accepting responsibility for the murder of the university professor, the Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) said the professor had allegedly been working for the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) and providing information about the Baloch people. The shadowy force said it had warned the university professor to give up his activities or face death.

On May 1, unknown attackers killed a policeman, head-constable Jummah Khan on Jinnah Road and killed other head-constable, Rasool Baksh, the next day on May 2 near Shandar Hotel on Sariab Road.

A majority of these attacks have been taking place either on Sariab Road or Brewery Road, both heavily populated with the Baloch people. There has been a tremendous increase in the anti-military and Punjabi sentiments in these parts of the provincial capital since the instigation of a military operation in Dera Bugti and Marri tribal areas by the previous government.

Thus, another assault on Sariab Road on May 7, killed a police constable, Mohammad Nasir and injured two others, Noor Ahmed and Kareemullah, a passerby. The next policeman who fell victim of target killing was Constable Mohammad Ishaq who was murdered by unknown armed motorcyclists on May 13 on Jail Road near Mano Jan Chowk.

Two civilians, Irfan and Mohammad Faisal, were killed on May 26 near Ayub Stadium and three of their friends, Mohammad Adnan, Rashid Ali and Ghulam Murtaza received serious injuries. Two days later on May 28, two more people were killed in Railway Colony on Joint Road. They were identified as Waqar Ahmed and Abdul Saeed. Two other civilians, Mohammad Iqbal and Mohammad Israr, were assassinated in the same Railway Colony on May 28.

One of the worst BLA attacks took place on May 30 when five boys playing cricket in front of the headquarters of the Federal Investigation Agency (FIA) were target killed. Identified as Ali Sohail, Jhangir, Zahid Hussain, Amirullah and Mohammad Jawad, all members of the Hazara ethnic community, were billed as the agents of the secrete services by the BLA.

The last incident that the home department advertisement has pointed out is that of the murder of two personnel of the Military Intelligence (MI) in Khuzdar district. They were killed on April 29 when they were having tea in a local restaurant.

While being sworn in as the chief minister, Nawab Mohammad Aslam Raisani, Balochistan’s first chief minister from the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), said his topmost priority would be to ensure peace in the province. He vowed to negotiate with the BLA and other armed groups in order to end the ongoing insurgency in the province. On its part, the BLA outright rejected the government offer for talks and further intensified its attacks.

Despite repeated attempts by this writer to contact Balochistan home minister, Mir Zafarullah Zehri and the officials from the home and police departments as to why the police failed to arrest or trace the culprits of as many as 21 incidents, no one was available for comments.

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